Alabamas Black Struggle

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In both the armed forces and the fire department, they served in segregated units, as the photograph of Oakland's Engine Company 22 shows. They found work in war industries, including shipping, as illustrated by the photographs of workers at the Richmond Shipyards. Many of these migrants came to Los Angeles. Ironically, as illustrated by the photographed captioned "Wartime housing in Little Tokyo's Bronzeville," a number of newcomers found housing in former Japanese American neighborhoods — in homes and apartments left vacant when residents were incarcerated in internment camps.

Racist real estate policies, including restrictive covenants, limited their ability to move out of segregated urban neighborhoods. Discrimination restricted their access to skilled and professional jobs as well as to higher education. As they returned home from the fight against fascism in Europe, many African American veterans saw the struggle for civil rights at home as an issue that needed to be addressed. You are free to share and adapt it however you like, provided you provide attribution as follows:.

Please note that this license applies only to the descriptive copy and does not apply to any and all digital items that may appear. In the first half of the 20th century, many African Americans struggled for economic equality amidst discriminatory attitudes and policies. Read full overview Go to first item.

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Baker Shoe Shine Stand, Anaheim [graphic]. Group portrait of the Hartzog Radio Night Hawks band. Title not known. Demonstrators protest discriminatory housing in Los Angeles Calif. Engine Company 22, Oakland Fire Department [picture].

In Alabama, Sanders makes appeal to Deep South black voters

Shipyard Workers. Overview African Americans made up less than 2 percent of California's population in the decades before World War I, numbering about 7, in War Brings Change ss At the end of World War I, immigration from outside the United States was largely curtailed, cutting off the flow of new workers to industry and contributing to the "Great Migration" of African Americans from the South to industrial centers in the North.

Note about picture captions The original captions on some of the historical photographs may include racial terms that were commonplace at the time, but considered to be derogatory today. Note about image quality Some of the photographs in this exhibition--most notably, those taken by Dorothea Lange--do not accurately represent the high quality of the original images. This is because of the technology available at the time they were scanned. Three-fourths of the riders are Negro, yet we are arrested, or have to stand over empty seats.

If we do not do something to stop these arrests, they will continue. The next time it may be you, or your daughter, or mother. This woman's case will come up on Monday. We are, therefore, asking every Negro to stay off the buses Monday in protest of the arrest and trial. Don't ride the buses to work, to town, to school, or anywhere on Monday.

Modern Civil Rights Movement in Alabama | Encyclopedia of Alabama

You can afford to stay out of school for one day if you have no other way to go except by bus. You can also afford to stay out of town for one day. If you work, take a cab, or walk. But please, children and grown-ups, don't ride the bus at all on Monday. Please stay off all buses Monday.

Key findings:

The next morning there was a meeting led by the new MIA head, King, where a group of 16 to 18 people gathered at the Mt. Zion Church to discuss boycott strategies. At that time Rosa Parks was introduced but not asked to speak, despite a standing ovation and calls from the crowd for her to speak; she asked someone if she should say something, but they replied, "Why, you've said enough.

Such a line would have meant that if the white section of the bus was oversubscribed, whites would have to stand; blacks would not be forced to give up their seats to whites. This demand was a compromise for the leaders of the boycott, who believed that the city of Montgomery would be more likely to accept it rather than a demand for a full integration of the buses. In this respect, the MIA leaders followed the pattern of s boycott campaigns in the Deep South , including the successful boycott a few years earlier of service stations in Mississippi for refusing to provide restrooms for blacks. The organizer of that campaign, T.

Parks was in the audience and later said that Emmett Till was on her mind when she refused to give up her seat.

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The MIA's demand for a fixed dividing line was to be supplemented by a requirement that all bus passengers receive courteous treatment by bus operators, be seated on a first-come, first-served basis, and that blacks be employed as bus drivers. To publicize the impending boycott it was advertised at black churches throughout Montgomery the following Sunday. On Saturday, December 3, it was evident that the black community would support the boycott, and very few blacks rode the buses that day.

On December 5, a mass meeting was held at the Holt Street Baptist Church to determine if the protest would continue. Starting December 7, Hoover's FBI noted the "agitation among negroes" and tried to find "derogatory information" about King.

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The boycott proved extremely effective, with enough riders lost to the city transit system to cause serious economic distress. Martin Luther King later wrote "[a] miracle had taken place. Some white housewives also drove their black domestic servants to work. When the city pressured local insurance companies to stop insuring cars used in the carpools, the boycott leaders arranged policies at Lloyd's of London. Black taxi drivers charged ten cents per ride, a fare equal to the cost to ride the bus, in support of the boycott.

When word of this reached city officials on December 8, the order went out to fine any cab driver who charged a rider less than 45 cents. In addition to using private motor vehicles , some people used non-motorized means to get around, such as cycling, walking, or even riding mules or driving horse-drawn buggies. Some people also hitchhiked. During rush hours, sidewalks were often crowded.

Environmental injustice

As the buses received few, if any, passengers, their officials asked the City Commission to allow stopping service to black communities. In response, opposing whites swelled the ranks of the White Citizens' Council , the membership of which doubled during the course of the boycott. The councils sometimes resorted to violence: King's and Abernathy's houses were firebombed , as were four black Baptist churches. Boycotters were often physically attacked. After the attack at King's house, he gave a speech to the angry African Americans who had gathered outside.

He said:. If you have weapons, take them home; if you do not have them, please do not seek to get them.

We cannot solve this problem through retaliatory violence. We must meet violence with nonviolence. Remember the words of Jesus: "He who lives by the sword will perish by the sword". We must love our white brothers, no matter what they do to us. We must make them know that we love them. Jesus still cries out in words that echo across the centuries: "Love your enemies; bless them that curse you; pray for them that despitefully use you".

This is what we must live by. We must meet hate with love. Remember, if I am stopped, this movement will not stop, because God is with the movement.